JUDGEMENT
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(1.) In any federal or quasi federal nation-state, legislative
powers are distributed territorially, and legislative competence is
often delineated in terms of matters or fields. The latter may be
thought of as comprising of aspects or causes that exist
independently in the world, such as events, things, phenomena
(howsoever commonplace they may be), resources, actions or
transactions, and the like, that occur, arise or exist or may be
expected to do so, naturally or on account of some human
agency, in the social, political, economic, cultural, biological,
environmental or physical spheres. The purpose of legislation
would be to seek the exertion of the State power to control,
modulate, transform, eliminate or engender such aspects or
causes or the effects or consequences of such aspects or causes.
While the purpose of legislation could be seen narrowly or purely
in terms of intended effects on such aspects or causes, obviously
the powers have to be exercised in order to enhance or protect
the interests of, the welfare of, the well-being of, or the security
of the territory, and the inhabitants therein, for which the
legislature has been charged with the responsibility of making
laws. Paraphrasing President Abraham Lincoln, we can say that
State and its government, though of the people, and constituted
by the people, has to always function "for" the people, indicating
that the mere fact that the state is organized as a democracy
does not necessarily mean that its government would always act
"for" the people. Many instances of, and vast potentialities for,
the flouting of that norm can be easily visualized. In
Constitutions that establish nation-states as sovereign
democratic republics, those expectations are also transformed
into limitations as to how, in what manner, and for what
purposes the collective powers of the people are to be used.
(2.) The central constitutional themes before us relate to
whether the Parliament's powers to legislate, pursuant to Article
245, include legislative competence with respect to aspects or
causes that occur, arise or exist or may be expected to do so,
outside the territory of India. It is obvious that legislative powers
of the Parliament incorporate legislative competence to enact
laws with respect to aspects or causes that occur, arise or exist,
or may be expected to do so, within India, subject to the division
of legislative powers as set forth in the Constitution. It is also
equally obvious and accepted that only Parliament may have the
legislative competence, and not the state legislatures, to enact
laws with respect to matters that implicate the use of state
power to effectuate some impact or effect on aspects or causes
that occur, arise or exist or may be expected to do so, outside
the territory of India.
(3.) Two divergent, and dichotomous, views present themselves
before us. The first one arises from a rigid reading of the ratio in
Electronics Corporation of India Ltd., v. Commissioner of Income Tax & An r., 1989 Supp2 SCC 642 ("ECIL") and suggests that Parliaments powers to
legislate incorporate only a competence to enact laws with
respect to aspects or causes that occur, arise or exist, or may be
expected to do so, solely within India. A slightly weaker form of
the foregoing strict territorial nexus restriction would be that the
Parliament's competence to legislate with respect to extra-
territorial aspects or causes would be constitutionally permissible
if and only if they have or are expected to have significant or
sufficient impact on or effect in or consequence for India. An
even weaker form of the territorial nexus restriction would be
that as long as some impact or nexus with India is established or
expected, then the Parliament would be empowered to enact
legislation with respect to such extra-territorial aspects or
causes. The polar opposite of the territorial nexus theory, which
emerges also as a logical consequence of the propositions of the
learned Attorney General, specifies that the Parliament has
inherent powers to legislate "for" any territory, including
territories beyond India, and that no court in India may question
or invalidate such laws on the ground that they are extra-
territorial laws. Such a position incorporates the views that
Parliament may enact legislation even with respect to extra-
territorial aspects or causes that have no impact on, effect in or
consequence for India, any part of it, its inhabitants or Indians,
their interests, welfare, or security, and further that the purpose
of such legislation need not in any manner or form be intended to
benefit India.;